The aim of this paper is to account for the phonological adaptation of loanwords in Eastern Catalan. As the phonology of these new words deviates from that of the native Catalan vocabulary set (with a certain amount of variation among speakers), the new phonetic features would seem to be borrowed from Spanish. We suggest that a new phonology has emerged whose purpose is to identify loans among the lexicon, the most striking element of this phonology being a harmony effect on stressed mid vowels in the presence of post-tonic [+ATR] mid vowels. The existence of unstressed [+ATR] mid vowels [e, o] in Eastern Catalan has been previously interpreted as lexical exceptions to vowel reduction (Fabra 1912 and Mascaró 2002, among others). However, the phonetic variation in the new lexicon is analyzed here as being fully consistent with Catalan phonology within the theory of lexical strata (Itô & Mester 1999).

Ndut is spoken in Senegal and belongs to the Cangin languages, a subgroup of the (West-) Atlantic languages (Sapir 1971). Unlike the other Cangin languages Noon, Laala and Saafi, Ndut, as well as closely related Pal or, exhibits apparently bidirectional vowel harmony. However, a phonological analysis suggests that there are two independent phenomena that have to be kept separate: regressive vowel assimilation, which is probably a very archaic feature of the Atlantic languages, and progressive root-controlled harmony, which may be a contact-induced innovation. In Senegal, the dominant language is Wolof, a Senegambian language that is part of a different subgroup of Atlantic languages. As Wolof is the major medium of interethnic communication, most Ndut speakers are Wolof-bilingual. Consequently, contact-induced language changes are likely to appear in Ndut. A Diachronic Analysis ofNdut Vowel Harmony 47 5. Regressive Harmony Regressive vowel hannony is a common phenomenon in the Cangin languages. The following table gives an overview of suffixes triggering regressive hannony. Two of these suffixes occur in all Cangin languages. They are safe candidates for reconstruction: reversive *-is and causative *-id: However, there is variation in the realisation of the adjectiviser and the experiential suffix even in the closely related language pairs Ndut/Palor and Noon/Laala. Note that in Noon and Laala there are also suffixes with the high vowel u triggering regressive assimilation. (22) Suffixes triggering regressive assimilationS Suffix Function Language -IS reverslve N, L, Nd, P, S -icf causative N, L, Nd, P, S -icfl? adjectiviser N, Nd (= P lcf; Lit!?) -icf experiential Nd (=P lei) -I imperative pI. Nd, P -Ci: 1. pI. excl. N -Cu: 2. pI. N -Cu 2. pI. L In Saafi, high [+ A TR] 48 Studies in African Linguistics 33( 1), 2004 The following tables provide comparative evidence of the vowel behaviour after the affixation of a high [+ A TR] vowel. They contain examples for each vowel separately. As the causative and reversive derivation are not fully produc­ tive, the data is scarce. When undergoing regressive vowel assimilation the vowel /a/ is realised as a central vowel, [~] or [u], in Palor: (24) Regressive assimilation [a] --+ [~], [u] / -i Basic form Derived form Function Language 6ap'suck' 6~p- icf 'breastfeed' CS Nd. 6ap'suck' 6up-icf 'breastfeed' CS P bap'suck' b~p-icf 'breastfeed' CS L bap'suck' bap-Icf 'breastfeed' CS S ]lam 'eat' ]l~m-icf 'feed' CS Nd ]lam 'eat' ]lum-icf 'feed' CS L ]lam 'eat' ]l~m-i? 'feed' CS N jal] 'learn' j~g-i? 'teach' CS N jal] 'learn' jal]-Icf'teach' CS S jakat 'run' juht-icf 6 'cause to run, drive' CS P dap 'plug' d~p-is 'unplug , RV Nd lal] 'close' l~g-is 'open , RV N,L ral] 'close' . , ral]-lS open , RV S laal] 'put on the fire' b~g-is 'remove from the fire' RV N kal 'take' hi-is 'throwaway , RV P There is variation in the output of the mid vowel [;)] undergoing this proc­ ess. In Noon and Laala the surface vowel [0] appears. In Ndut and Pal or the counterpart is the central vowel [~, u], although in the Ndut imperative paradigm the outcome of regressive harmony would be [0]. This variation could be ex­ plained as historical restructuring of regressive harmony. The causative and the reversive would represent an earlier stage of the language when the harmonic re­ lations were lexically frozen. 7 In contrast, the fully productive imperative suffixes appear to be an innovation that can only be found in Ndut and Palor. 6 In this example from D'Alton (1987: 142) both preceding syllables are involved in the as­ similation process. Probably, in P the domain of the assimilation is not restricted to the pre­ ceding syllable. Another possible interpretation of this phenomenon could be that rapid speech caused the progression of the assimilation. 7 For this comment I have to thank once again David Odden. 50 Studies in Ajrican Linguistics 33( 1 ), 2004 Les tendues peuvent etre suivies, au sein du mot, par les voyelles lei [£] et 101 [J]. Toutefois, lorsque lei [£] et 101 [J] sont suivies d'une voyelle tendue ([+ATR]), elles se realisent respectivement Iii et /"6/. [po 93] In (28), high [-ATR] vowels in Noon and Laala do not undergo regressive assimilation. This exclusion of high [-ATR] vowels from the assimilatory process might be an ancient phenomenon. As Noon and Laala are not closely related to Ndut the restriction of this phonological process to non-high vowels could even be reconstructed in the proto-language. (28) No regressive assimilation of the [-ATR] vowels !II [I] and lui [u] Basic Derived Function Language form form nIIk 'be afraid' nIIk-i? 'frighten' CS N YUlJ 'sit' yug-i? 'make sit' CS N yun 'learn , yud-i? 'teach' CS L tum 'do' tum-i? , make do' CS L fIJ1 'discard' fly-i? 'make discard' CS L YIIlJ 'smell, feel' YIIg-i? 'make smell, feel' CS L Similar cases of regressive vowel harmony can also be found in two neigh­ bouring contact languages, Pulaar and Wolof. Both languages belong to the Se­ negambian subgroup of Atlantic languages. In Pulaar, regressive vowel assimila­ tion leads to the emergence of [+ A TR] mid vowels on the surface (Archangeli & Pulleyblank 1994: 134). The Pulaar vowel system consists of five vowels [u, i, e, 0, a], so [ATR] is not a contrastive feature in this system. Its values are com­ pletely predictible: a [+high] vowel is advanced and a [+low] vowel retracted. The tongue root values of the mid vowels are determined by the [A TR] property of the following vowel. High vowels imply [+ A TR] on the preceding syllable. All non-high vowels imply [-ATR]. Thus, mid vowels exhibit an [ATR] contrast at the surface that "is entirely derivative and need not be reflected in underlying rep­ resentations" (Archangeli & Pulleyblank 1994: 137). Many verb derivation suf­ fixes contain high vowels: among others, the reversive -it/-ut and the causative -in (cf. Amott 1970: 334).

Abstract This chapter presents an overview of vowel harmony (VH) systems, as reported in some Sino-Tibetan languages—particularly, Qiangic, Na, and Tibetic—and reviews reported systems which are particularly diverse in Qiangic languages (e.g., palatal, height, rounding, advanced tongue root (ATR)/retracted tongue root (RTR), retroflex harmony). Based on a comparison of different systems across common harmonic domains, it argues that patterns traditionally described as ‘vowel harmony’ in Qiangic and possibly Na languages likely represent vestiges of an earlier register-type contrast, which involves sets of correlated phonetic properties associated with vowel, phonatory, and tonal quality (register harmony). By contrast, VH in Tibetic languages represents a more canonical VH system (ATR/RTR). The proposed analysis is tentative given the understudied nature of the groups discussed. The conclusion discusses the place of VH patterns in Qiangic, Na, and Tibetic languages in their genetic and areal context, and highlights areas where future research is needed.

Abstract This chapter aims at giving a survey on vowel harmony (VH) in the Caucasian languages. We found that VH is attested only in the East Caucasian languages and that there is no in-depth study of this phenomenon. Based on the fragmentary data discussed in individual language grammars/journal articles, one can conclude that VH exists to some extent in almost all languages of the Lezgic group. Four Lezgic languages receive special attention: Lezgian, Tabasaran, Aghul, and Khinalug. Both progressive and regressive labial, palatal, and height harmony are attested in both nouns and verbs. The data of these four languages indicate that VH is predominantly stem-controlled. It is sensitive to stress placement and can be blocked by secondary consonantal articulations. Further investigation is needed to determine if VH results from contact with the Azeri language or language-internal developments.

Abstract This chapter describes various harmonic processes that are found in Semitic languages. The majority of these are not strictly speaking cases of vowel harmony (VH), if this is defined as an unbounded (‘iterative’) rule that affects all and typically only vowels (as triggers and targets) in a ‘word.’ This applies, for example, to pharyngealization (‘emphasis’) and various forms of local harmonic processes. Several of the Semitic languages discussed here have been in contact with non-Semitic languages that exhibit VH. This has led to various degrees of convergence with the VH processes of these contact languages. Cases of harmonic processes can, however, be found elsewhere in Semitic where there is no clear evidence of them being induced by language contact. The languages discussed include Tigre, Tigrinya, Arabic, Hebrew, Akkadian, and Neo-Aramaic.

fortition of plosives, voicing assimilation, and gemination (consonant lengthening); a set of 7 to 8 phonemic vowels, vowel assimilations (including vowel harmony) The Catalan phonology has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences. Catalan is characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition and (in some dialects) fortitio In the most widespread system of harmony, both open-mid vowels cause assimilation; in other systems, distributed over the harmonic territory quite randomly, only one of the vowels triggers the change. For example, in Cullera only the front vowel causes assimilation, while in Borriana the labial vowel is the only one that allows harmony. However, in both the broadest and the narrowest versions, and even in the sporadic cases of two-way harmony that are presented here, the pattern of strong → weak extension remains constant. In the harmonic phenomenon just described, articulatory features spread from left to right. However, there is no shortage of assimilations in which the features spread to the left of the prominent position. This occurs in Majorcan when pretonic /o/ is closed to [u] in words that contain a close tonic vowel; e.g., c[u]nill, c[u]sí, c[u]mú (cf. Veny Clar (1982)). The change involves the extension of the height feature again in the direction dictated by the strong → weak saliency relationship. Similar closures are documented in various Western languages; among these, Tortosan stands out, where the phenomenon, quite variable and often limited to the elderly, presents the peculiarity that height does not only propagate from tonic vowels, but can also do so from unstressed ones (cfr. Morales). In general terms, and in accordance with the data collected by Morales (in prep.), a pretonic mid vowel m The Catalan phonology has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences. Catalan is characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition and (in some dialects) fortition of plosives, voicing assimilation, and gemination (consonant lengthening); a set of 7 to 8 phonemic vowels, vowel assimilations (including vowel harmony), many phonetic diphthongs, and vowel reduction, whose precise details differ between dialects. Unstressed /e/ may merge with /a/ before a nasal or sibilant consonant (e.g., enclusa [aŋˈkluza] 'anvil', eixam [ajˈʃam] 'swarm'), in some environments before any consonant (e.g., terròs [taˈrɔs] 'earthy'), and in monosyllabic clitics. This sounds almost the same as the Barcelonan open schwa [ɐ]. Likewise, unstressed /e/ may merge into /i/ when in contact with palatal In the most widespread system of harmony, both open-mid vowels cause assimilation; in other systems, distributed over the harmonic territory quite randomly, only one of the vowels triggers the change. For example, in Cullera only the front vowel causes assimilation, while in Borriana the labial vowel is the only one that allows harmony. However, in both the broadest and the narrowest versions, and even in the sporadic cases of two-way harmony that are presented here, the pattern of strong → weak extension remains constant. In the harmonic phenomenon just described, articulatory features spread from left to right. However, there is no shortage of assimilations in which the features spread to the left of the prominent position. This occurs in Majorcan when pretonic /o/ is closed to [u] in words that contain a close tonic vowel; e.g., c[u]nill, c[u]sí, c[u]mú (cf. Veny Clar (1982)). The change involves the extension of the height feature again in the direction dictated by the strong → weak saliency relationship. Similar closures are documented in various Western languages; among these, Tortosan stands out, where the phenomenon, quite variable and often limited to the elderly, presents the peculiarity that height does not only propagate from tonic vowels, but can also do so from unstressed ones (cfr. Morales). In general terms, and in accordance with the data collected by Morales (in prep.), a pretonic mid vowel may become close under the influence of a close vowel with the same point of articulation—palatal or labial—in a following syllable; in this way, vowel sequences of the type e...i and o...u become i...i a) and u...u b), respectively. The assimilation of mid vowels to a high vowel of a different point of articulation is possible, but in the sequence e...u it is reduced to some words c), and in the sequence o...i it is usually limited to fossilized cases, so that the disharmonious alternatives in d) reflect only copied pronunciations of the orthography. In proparoxytones there is greater variability. In the variety analyzed by Cabré Castellví (2009) esdrúixol words (i.e., words with stressed on the antepenultimate syllable) are generally subject to the same restrictions and the presence of a close mid in post-tonic position implies the presence of close mids in tonic position a); the syllabic adjacency between the two vowels is key to harmony, since words like Sòcrates [ˈsɔkɾətes] or Hèrcules [ɛrkules] are usually presented without assimilation despite the presence of an unreduced post-tonic e. In the variety described by Bonet Alsina, Lloret-Romanyach & Mascaró Altimiras (2007), on the other hand, post-tonic vowels do not condition the realization of the tonic vowel in esdrúixols b). On the other hand, and in accordance with the interpretation of the aforementioned authors, the adaptation of tonic vowels as open mids is compatible in all varieties with the appearance of unreduced mid vowels in pre-tonic syllables.

agglutinative language and features vowel harmony. Yakut is a member of the Northeastern Common Turkic family of languages, which also includes Shor, Tuvan The Yakut language ( yə-KOOT), also known as the Sakha language ( sə-KHAH) or Yakutian, is a Siberian Turkic language spoken by around 450,000 native speakers—primarily by ethnic Yakuts. It is one of the official languages of the Sakha Republic, a republic in the Russian Federation. The Yakut language has a large number of loanwords of Mongolic origin, a layer of vocabulary of unclear origin, as w Th…