Health sciences librarianship has historically benefited from avoiding critical conversations around the role of race in the profession, reflected through a select few number of articles on the topic. The purpose of this study was to add to this body of literature and apply a critical librarianship framework on the early scholarly record of health sciences librarianship and the legacy of integration within the Medical Library Association (MLA). Three Southern medical works and the integration views of Mary Louise Marshall, the longest-serving president of MLA from 1941 to 1946, were thematically and textually analyzed to redress the profession's long-standing legacy with Whiteness and Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) representation. In reframing the historic past of MLA both through Marshall's works and her views, the goal is to acknowledge ways in which the profession has impeded progress and present steps to remedy appropriate outreach for the future. More specifically, this examination reviewed older works found within the predecessor of JMLA , the Bulletin of the Medical Library Association ( BMLA ), by Mary Louise Marshall, the longest-serving president of MLA. Three key works, along with Marshall's views on integration, were analyzed in order to contextualize the journal's historical record on addressing race within the profession. Through a historical examination of racial biases within scholarship and the profession, this paper invites critical conversations of discourse in the future. This paper posits the following research question: What evidence exists of JMLA 's history with problematic articles? How should we reflect on the past in order to inform scholarly diversity, equity, and inclusion goals for the future? THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK In order to examine the legacy of Mary Louise Marshall as both a leader and scholar, the author incorporated Historical Revisionism theory [ 6 ], Whiteness as Property from Critical Race Theory (CRT) [ 7 ], and Whiteness in LIS theory [ 8 – 9 ] into a critical librarianship framework. Whiteness in LIS Theory In order to understand how Marshall's works and legacy are situated within the profession, it is important to consider the ways a White-majority profession can overlook her works and uphold an overall positive legacy. Evidence for why this model should be applied is found in both the most recent MLA demographic survey, wherein 73% of survey respondents self-identified as White and within the literature, which has described the historical trend of remaining a majority White profession [ 23 – 24 ]. A grounded historical review on Whiteness in LIS in health sciences librarianship provides undeniable evidence that it is real, has always existed, and carries significant ripple effects in how the profession treats BIPOC library workers. Distinct parts of the outlined theoretical framework aim to address Marshall's works and her legacy separately; however, an overlap exists in which both Historical Revisionism and Whiteness as Property model can be used to address Marshall's legacy while the Whiteness in LIS theory can be used to address JMLA 's historical scholarly record ( Figure 1 ). Though Marshall used these records to reinforce these “truths,” in actuality this was an example of how the enslaved experience was legitimized through the documentation and narratives by Whites. Marshall ascribed the more positive aspects of plantation life and that of the mistress figure through the anecdotal evidence left by temporary observers, or Marshall's bias toward picturesque Southern hospitality paints a false image of the enslaved experience, as oftentimes the mistress of the plantation as much as the plantation owner was an actor to the cruel nature suffered by the enslaved. Through previously published first-hand accounts like Twelve Years a Slave (1853) by Solomon Northup, a freedman who was kidnapped then enslaved on a Louisiana plantation and endured and witnessed violent abuse by his owners, such depictions of perceived benevolent care quickly dissipate [ 65 ]. In truth, the sole purpose of providing care was to ensure that the enslaved were healthy enough to continue their labor in the fields. The inherent motivation for care was always economical in nature. Later works of literature on slavery and medicine document a clearer, more brutal picture of slave life and the negative racial attitudes that affected the care of those enslaved on Southern plantations [ 66 – 69 ]. By presenting these manuscripts in her own words, Marshall reinforced the Whiteness in Property model, effectively owning the narratives in the retelling of the Black enslaved experience. As an owner-by-proxy to these narratives, she authoritatively framed their livelihood and care as positive experiences, erasing the cruelty and commodification of their existence on the plantation. Marshall mentions this phrase twice in her seminal work, “Plantation Medicine,” once in “Medicine in the Confederacy,” and seven times in “Nurse Heroines of the Confederacy.” In closer examination for her works related to the Confederacy, a pattern emerges in phrasing associated with sentiments toward the Lost Cause myth. Both “Medicine in the Confederacy” and “Nurse Heroines of the Confederacy” mention the “cause” three and six times, respectively. Lastly, Marshall's medical historical expertise and that as a librarian gave credibility to her works as authoritative topics for the benefit of other medical librarians and practitioners. As owner-by-proxy in the retelling of the enslaved narratives as described in “Plantation Medicine,” Marshall whitewashed and romanticized these topics while completely dismissing Black voices and experiences. Her perspective of Confederacy history in “Medicine in the Confederacy” and “Nurse Heroines in the Confederacy” and the use of her carefully crafted phrasing to describe the war is similar to others who found validity in the Lost Cause myth.

Le monde colonial néerlandais dépendait de la migration de colons européens, le nombre d’émigrants originaires des actuels Pays-Bas demeurant limité et la République néerlandaise étant réputée pour sa tolérance à l’égard des minorités religieuses et son système de protection sociale complet pour les pauvres. Cela explique pourquoi le nombre de juifs et de huguenots parmi les colons était relativement élevé. Susanna du Plessis fait partie de la communauté huguenote du Suriname. Elle a mutilé et peut-être tué certains de ses esclaves. Sa réputation de propriétaire d’esclaves la plus cruelle de tous les temps fait toujours partie de l’histoire orale populaire du Suriname, mais aucune preuve archivistique ne permet de confirmer une telle affirmation. Figures huguenotes dans les Amériques - Suriname’s Cruellest Slave Owner? Maria Susanna du Plessis: Myth and Reality - Presses universitaires de Rennes Informations sur la couverture Rechercher dans le livre Table des matières Citer Partager Liens vers le livre Informations sur la couverture Rechercher dans le livre Table des matières Citer Partager Formats de lecture Figures huguenotes dans les Amériques Ce livre est recensé par Naviguer dans le livre Suriname’s Cruellest Slave Owner? Maria Susanna du Plessis: Myth and Reality La propriétaire d’esclaves la plus cruelle du Suriname ? Maria Susanna du Plessis : mythe et réalité Pieter Emmer p. Her reputation as the cruellest slave owner ever is still part of the popular oral history of Suriname, but there is no archival evidence to support this contention. Plan détaillé Texte intégral Refugees and the Dutch colonies The du Plessis family in Suriname The defence of Suriname against the runaway slaves Susanna du Plessis: the popular tale of the cruellest slave owner Susanna du Plessis: a wealthy widow in a bankrupt colonial society Susanna du Plessis: a new interpretation Notes de bas de page Auteur Texte intégral 1 After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 50.000 to 70.000 Huguenots left France for the Netherlands. No other country received so many of these refugees. It was a costly affair as after having served, these slaves would not return to work on the plantation but obtain their freedom. 6 Susanna du Plessis: the popular tale of the cruellest slave owner 10 His conservative and obstructive views earned the father of Susanna du Plessis the label of an unreliable and whimsical activist and Salomon du Plessis is reputed to conspire with other plantation owners with the aim to to oust the governor. In some of the older literature about eighteenth-century Suriname, it has been suggested that his daughter Susanna had a similar whimsical character, but there exists no clear evidence to support this assumption. It could be argued that the such a divided ownership led to ineffective management of the plantations. In the Netherlands halls had to be rented, when the owners of one plantation assembled in order to decide about the expenditure of that year’s profits for buying slaves, repairing and constructing buildings, for improving the system of canals and sluices, for buying equipment and for the purchase of slaves in order to expand the number of slaves or—more likely—to replace those slaves, who had died or run away. In the manumission document for Aurora it was stipulated that the freed slave would always possess sufficient financial means in order not to become a financial liability to the state. That was standard practice at the time. In case Aurora or her children had fallen on hard times, their former owner would still be held responsible. 20 How, why and to which neighbouring colony Aurora had moved, remains unclear Rumour has it that she went to the tiny Dutch island of St Eustatius. In spite of the fact that Susanna du Plessis might have been ignorant of the whereabouts of her former slave, in the much of the historical literature she is depicted as the evil genius behind the disappearance. Obviously, Susanna always took care that she was financially independent and perhaps that could have been Both groups were looking for arguments to support their case and any story about a cruel slave owner, and a woman at that, sparked great public interest. Of course, news about Suriname did not travel to Great Britain easily as it was a foreign colony, where they spoke a different language. However, the specially recruited army to fight the runaway slaves was composed of soldiers of many nationalities and one of them was a Scotsman, John Gabriel Stedman, who published his memoirs after his return to Great Britain, illustrated by the famous William Blake. N’hésitez pas à lui indiquer nos coordonnées : access[at]openedition.org Vous pouvez également nous indiquer, à l’aide du formulaire suivant, les coordonnées de votre bibliothèque afin que nous la contactions pour lui suggérer l’achat de ce livre. Les champs suivis de (*) sont obligatoires. Votre nom (*) Votre affiliation Votre email sous la forme nom@domaine.fr (*) Nom de la bibliothèque Email de la bibliothèque (*) Envoyer Veuillez, s’il vous plaît, remplir tous les champs. La syntaxe de l’email est incorrecte. Référence numérique du chapitre Format APA Chicago MLA Emmer, P. (2020). Suriname’s Cruellest Slave Owner? Maria Susanna du Plessis: Myth and Reality. In M. Augeron (éd.), Figures huguenotes dans les Amériques . Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes. https://doi.org/10.4000/13vv4 Emmer, Pieter. « Suriname’s Cruellest Slave Owner? Maria Susanna Du Plessis: Myth and Reality ». In Figures Huguenotes Dans Les Amériques , édité par Mickaël Augeron. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2020. doi:10.4000/13vv4. Emmer, Pieter. « Suriname’s Cruellest Slave Owner? Maria Susanna Du Plessis: Myth and Reality ». Figures Huguenotes Dans Les Amériques , édité par Mickaël Augeron, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/13vv4. Référence numérique du livre Format APA Chicago MLA Augeron, M. (éd.). (2020).