Sound changes in human languages are exceptionless and regular.
the verdict
REFUTED
the evidence says no
refutedsupported
the weight of evidence
5 sources for · 2 against
While historical linguistic principles like the Neogrammarian hypothesis state that sound changes are regular and exceptionless, peer-reviewed linguistic research documents widespread exceptions, sporadic irregularities, and contact-induced shifts that challenge this absolute rule.
Abstract:The regularity of sound change as set out by the scholars of the late nineteenth century is a fundamental principle of historical linguistics. The principle as recognized by the Neogrammarian linguists states that once a sound change has begun, it affects every word in the vocabulary that contains the sound in question. The principle has been disputed by many linguists and especially dialectologists, who argue that 'every word has its own history'. This article demonstrates how the Neogrammarian principle operates in one prototypical change in progress, the raising of the mid front long vowel /ey/ before a consonant in Philadelphia English. Mixed-level regression analysis shows consistent phonetic constraints across the nineteenth century, with no effect of word frequency. The regularity of sound change is reflected in the common pattern of behavior of the most frequent words, those of moderate frequency, and words that occur only once in the corpus.
At least three types of sound change (prenasalization of obstruents, lenition of obstruents, conversion of labial
consonants to the corresponding labiovelars) are widespread in the Austronesian language family as sporadic innovations. What
marks these off as different from more familiar types of irregularity is their repeated occurrence across hundreds of related
languages, a phenomenon that can conveniently be called “pandemic irregularity.” All attempts to find an explanation for why
pandemic irregularities occur in terms of possibly unrecognized affixation, conditioning, borrowing, or unfinished processes, have
proven futile. In particular, it is stressed that pandemic irregularity in sound change is fundamentally different from “lexical
diffusion”, and deserves to be recognized in its own right as a process that works against the general application of the
regularity hypothesis.
Abstract
The formulation of a principle that sound change is inherently exceptionless, even when appearances may suggest otherwise, is commonly attributed to the Junggram matiker or ‘Neogrammarians’-a group of Indo-European comparativists who worked at the University of Leipzig in the 1870s. In this historical context it is clear that the Neogrammarian hypothesis was inspired by the then recent successes of Hermann Grassmann (1863) and Karl Verner (1876) in explaining phonological changes which had long appeared to be exceptions to Grimm’s Law. According to Lehmann (1967: 197) ‘the central axiom, that sound laws have no exceptions, was first published by the oldest of the group, August Leskien in Die Deklination im Slavisch-litauischen und Germanischen (1876).’ Two years later, in the preface to a new journal founded by Hermann Osthoff and Karl Brugmann, Brugmann wrote (and both founders signed) a statement of philosophical position which can, with some justification, be called the ‘N eogrammarian manifesto’.
The Neogrammarians of the Leipzig School introduced the principle that sound changes are regular and that this regularity is without exceptions. At least as a working hypothesis, this principle has remained the basis of the comparative method up to this day. In the first part of this paper, I give a short account of how historical linguists have defended this principle and have dealt with apparent counter evidence. In the second part, I explore if a sound change can be regular if it is attested in one instance only. I conclude that it is, provided that the concomitant phonetic (and phonotactic) evidence supporting it is also based on regularity. If the single instance of a sound change is the result of developments which are all regular in themselves, it is still in line with the regularity principle.
comparative method. Sound laws are regular instances of change to a language's phonological system, typically viewed as exceptionless under the Neogrammarian
The Indo-European language family comprises a vast number of languages and dialects spoken throughout the world today. All of these languages are descended from a common ancestor known as Proto-Indo-European, which scholars estimate was spoken about six thousand years ago. This common ancestor has been reconstructed by historical linguists using the comparative method. Sound laws are regular insta
The Indo-European language family comprises a vast number of languages and dialects spoken throughout the world today. All of these languages are descended from a common ancestor known as Proto-Indo-European, which scholars estimate was spoken about six thousand years ago. This common ancestor has been reconstructed by historical linguists using the comparative method. Sound laws are regular instances of change to a language's phonological system, typically viewed as exceptionless under the Neogrammarian hypothesis. For example, the Romance languages, all descended from Latin, each have sound changes that affect the Latin c sound before a front vowel, leading to the pronunciation of [t͡ʃ] in Italian (cento, 'one hundred'; celo, 'sky') but [s] in French (cent, ciel) and [θ] in European Spanish (cien, cielo). By tracking these kinds of changes, linguists can map out the relationships between languages with common origins.
This glossary provides a list of sound laws that have been formulated by linguists for the various Indo-European languages. It contains any named sound law which affects any of the major branches of the Indo-European family or more than one descendant language. Laws affecting one language may be included if a family has fewer than five well-attested members. While it is generally thought that the Anatolian languages broke off first, the internal relations of the other widely-accepted subfamilies – Albanian, Armenian, Balto-Slavic, Celtic, Germanic, Hellenic, Indo-Iranian, Italic, and Tocharian – are unclear and the subject of scholarly debate.
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... changes to which there were no exceptions at all : indeed , this they proposed as their definition of a sound ... human speech organs . Minimal shifts of articulation built up over ... exceptionless sound laws had been solely respon ...
Originally published in 1981, this book covers the development of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) from its inception to the end of the Weimar republic. Within a historical framework it analyses the role and operation of the SPD in the changing social and political climate of Germany and describes the party’s internal struggles throughout the period. The party continually debated its aims and the means to achieve them. Conducted by people such as Kautsky, Bernsteina dn Rosa Luxemburg, with close links to Marx, Engels and other leaders of the international socialist movement, this debate within the party was one of the most fundamental socialist controversies, whose relevance remains today.
This article focuses on languages of the Kwilu-Ngounie subbranch within a branch of the Bantu language family known as West-Coastal Bantu. Within Kwilu-Ngounie, B70 and B80 languages emerge as paraphyletic in the most comprehensive lexicon-based phylogeny of the branch. We assess whether the impossibility to group them into lexicon-based monophyletic subgroups can be bypassed by using the phonological innovation of word-final loss of Proto-Bantu *ŋg as diagnostic of a new subgroup. It is hard to tell whether this new subgroup is a clade by descent or instead a taxon resulting from a contact-induced innovation affecting related varieties. The unconditioned reflexes of *ŋg across varieties signal that both language-internal lexical diffusion and contact-induced crosslinguistic spread of phonological innovation thwart the Neogrammarian axiom of flawlessly regular sound change. Beyond its relevance for low-level Bantu subgrouping, this article contributes to the methodological issue of conflicting lexical and diachronic phonological evidence for internal classification.
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