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the claim
Personality traits like selfishness can change and improve over time
the verdict
SUPPORTED
the evidence backs this
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the weight of evidence
8 sources for · 0 against

Peer-reviewed literature and longitudinal studies indicate that personality traits are subject to change and malleability over the lifespan, and that negative traits like selfishness can shift toward positive virtues over time.

Evidence for · 8
2010 · cited by 89
Debate continues about whether personality, both normal and disordered, can change significantly or is mainly stable across the life span. One issue that receives little attention is the degree to which personality stability coefficients may be influenced by attenuation due to measurement error. The current meta-analysis examines the data from recent research on personality stability, reporting both uncorrected and corrected stability coefficients. Attenuation due to measurement error was found to cause a significant reduction in personality stability coefficients, raising the possibility that some studies may conflate personality change with measurement error. Overall, corrected stability coefficients suggested that the stability of personality across adulthood is high, with only modest change. By contrast, personality during childhood is significantly more changeable. Both normal personality and personality disorders were highly stable across the life span, and patients in therapy experienced no more personality change than did nonpatients. Cross-cultural comparisons suggested relatively similar levels of personality stability cross-culturally, although personality stability among people in South Pacific nations is slightly lower than among those in the United States, Canada, or European nations.
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The analysis

rails:sufficiency:supported:for=2+6p:against=0+0p | v55:sufficiency

More for · 7
2016 · cited by 23
Although research has shown that certain aspects of personality can change over time, the determinants of such change remain unclear. Stress alters neural dynamics and precipitates disorders that shape personality traits involving negative affectivity. In this study, therefore, we assessed the perceived stress and pessimism levels of 332 young, middle-aged, and older adults for five weeks to examine how levels of stress and pessimism change and interrelate over time. The best fitting longitudinal model was a bivariate latent growth curve model, which indicated that stress and pessimism both changed and exhibited significant variability in change over time. Moreover, changes in stress were associated with changes in pessimism. Pessimism thus changes over time, with alterations in stress potentially structuring these changes.
2022 · cited by 19
OBJECTIVE Accumulated evidence indicates both stable and malleable parts of inter-individual differences in the broad Big Five domains. Less is known, however, about stability and change at the more diversified facet level. With the current study, we fill this gap by investigating personality stability and change across midlife and old age. METHOD We apply local structural equation measurement models and second-order growth curve models to four waves of data obtained with the full NEO Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-R) collected over 11 years from 1,667 adults (Mage =62.69 years, SDage =15.62, 55% female) who participated in the Seattle Longitudinal Study. RESULTS Measurement invariance analyses indicated that the psychometric properties of the NEO-PI-R facets are comparable across time and age. Results revealed substantial rank-order stabilities across all facets, yet the exact pattern varied strongly between facets of the same trait and across traits. Mean-level change of facets from midlife to old age largely mirrored the mean-level change observed for the broader traits. CONCLUSION We discuss conceptual implications and argue that in the face of overall stability across midlife and old age, changes in the rank-ordering of people reveals a much more complex and diverse pattern of development than analyses at the trait level suggest.
2021 · cited by 8
The present study examined associations between two future time perspective (FTP) dimensions (perceived opportunities and perceived time) and the Big Five personality traits during older adulthood, a developmental period that has received limited attention in personality development. Specifically, it tested whether FTP dimensions were cross-sectionally associated with personality traits, as well as if they predicted changes on those traits during a time when participants were transitioning to retirement. Participants from the Health, Ageing and Retirement Transitions in Sweden (HEARTS) study (N = 5,913, Mage = 63.09 years) reported on their FTP at the initial assessment and on their Big Five personality traits on six assessments 1 year apart. Latent growth curve models were fit to examine FTP as a predictor of level and change in the Big Five traits over time, with perceived time and opportunities included as unique predictors. Results found that broader FTP was associated with higher extraversion, agreeableness, openness to experience, and conscientiousness, but lower neuroticism initially. However, results indicated associations were stronger and sometimes only significant for perceived opportunities not time. Regarding FTP as a predictor of personality trait change, modest evidence was found that perceived opportunities predicted changes in neuroticism and openness over time. The present study extends past work by showing the importance of capturing different components of FTP when examining personality traits during older adulthood. Research needs to further explore the longitudinal predictive effects of FTP, focusing on more proximal assessments and how FTP changes during retirement. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
2024 · cited by 3
Although personality traits are relatively stable compared to other constructs, comprehensive meta-analyses show that the mean-levels and rank-orders of personality traits change throughout the lifespan. In contrast, relatively little is known about whether and how the variance of personality traits develops across the lifespan. Examining changes in personality trait variance is, however, critical to contextualize knowledge on mean-level changes, to identify disruptive life phases, to evaluate the predictive utility of personality traits across age, and to advance personality development theories. The present meta-analysis thus integrated research from 362 longitudinal studies (total N = 344,270) to identify changes in personality trait variance across the lifespan. Across traits, we found a remarkable stability of personality trait variance, indicating that people neither get more different nor more alike across time and age. The only deviations from this pattern were found in childhood, suggesting that the variance of extraversion, neuroticism, and openness decreases in the first years of life (ages 1 to 4) and that the variance of neuroticism increases in late childhood (ages 5 to 13). These findings were robust across various publication, sample, and assessment characteristics. Our results provide novel insights into personality trait development that may spark theoretical advancements by incorporating concrete predictions about stability and change of personality trait variance. Furthermore, the stability of personality trait variance illustrates that mean-level changes in personality traits seem to be independent of variance changes and that personality traits have a similar potential to predict relevant life outcomes across the lifespan.
2019 · cited by 3
What leads personality to develop in adulthood? Values, guiding principles that apply across contexts, may capture motivation for growth and change. An essentialist trait perspective posits that personality changes only as a result of organic factors. But evidence suggests that psychosocial factors also influence personality change, especially during young adulthood. In the Life and Time study of sources of personality change in adulthood, we specifically explore ethically-relevant value priorities, those related to the relative prioritization of narrow self-interest over the concerns of a larger community. According to Rollo May (1967), “mature values”, including aspects of both self-transcendence and self-determination, should serve to diminish or prevent neurotic anxiety. This is consistent with research on materialism, which is associated with lower well-being. An index based on May’s proposal and several related constructs (materialism, unmitigated self-interest, collectivism and individualism) are tested longitudinally as possible antecedents of Big Five/Six personality trait change using bivariate LCMSR models in a national community sample (N = 864 at Time 1). Contrary to an essentialist trait perspective, these value priorities more often preceded change in personality traits than vice-versa. Somewhat consistent with May’s theory, higher “mature” values preceded higher openness (statistically significant at the p < .005 level). Higher vertical individualism significantly preceded lower compassion, intellect and openness. At the suggestive (p < .05) level, higher unmitigated self-interest preceded lower conscientiousness, higher vertical individualism preceded higher volatility, higher mature values preceded higher honesty/propriety and politeness, higher horizontal collectivism preceded higher orderliness, agreeableness, and assertiveness and lower intellect, and higher horizontal individualism preceded lower withdrawal. In two of three cases, suggestive personality-as-antecedent-of-values-change effects were reciprocal with the values-effects: higher conscientiousness scores reciprocally preceded lower unmitigated self-interest, and higher volatility higher vertical individualism. No significant or suggestive “stand-alone”, non-reciprocal personality on values effects were found.
2022 · cited by 2
Abstract Research in personality trait change has largely relied on mean‐level and rank‐order change across the lifespan. The current research expanded the literature in several ways: analyzing four types of change and correlated change patterns, obtaining multi‐informant reports, including lower‐order personality traits, and collecting multiple assessments during a short yet important time for college‐attending emerging adults (baseline N = 259, M age = 18.79). There was little evidence for mean‐level change, yet participants showed significant individual differences such that rank‐ordering and ipsative profiles were much more dynamic than mean score patterns. Informant‐reports from close others demonstrated largely similar patterns: little to no mean‐level change, significant increase in rank‐ordering, and about half of participants reporting configural change mostly in elevation and scatter rather than in profile shapes. Interestingly, there was no correlated change between self and other‐reports. This indicated that close others do not share individuals' perception of their own personality trait change, at least not in the demographic group studied. By examining individual‐level, sample‐level, and multi‐informant perspectives, our thorough investigation provided useful benchmarks for future research to examine the source of variability in change trajectories.
cited by 0
consistent with that prayer. If selfishness gives place in us to Love, we shall love our neighbor and bless them that curse us, but can never meet this great demand
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