Parliamentary forces extensively slighted castles across England following the Civil War
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refutedsupported
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Historical references document that Parliamentary forces extensively slighted and demolished English castles following the Civil War to prevent their use and reduce garrison costs.
Time of building
Castles were first built in the 9th century and the practice continued up to the 16th century. A castle was both a home for someone important like a king or noble, and a fort. Castles were designed to keep people out and show how powerful the people inside were. They were sometimes used in war, with many famous sieges like the siege of Kenilworth in 1266 which lasted for six months, or Stirling Castle which was besieged eight times. Castles could look very strong, but sometimes the defences were mostly for show. The moat around Bodiam Castle is not very deep and could be drained by an attacking army, so its defensive role could be defeated. But it made the castle look very impressive, and look bigger than it really is.[1] If the owner of a castle rebelled against their ruler they might be punished by having their castle demolished, known as slighting. - The dining hall in Malbork Castle (Poland). The castle had a large garrison of knights, so needed lots of space for them to eat. - A 15th-century drawing of the end of a siege. Troops are storming the weakened castle. - Bodiam Castle (England) was built around 1385.
... castles in England received its most dramatic impetus in the activities of the Parliamentary forces under Cromwell after the Civil War ... slighted'. Conventional opinion is that this was to save the cost of garrisoning them and to prevent ...
Heritage and its economies are driven by affective politics and consolidated through emotions such as pride, awe, joy and pain. In the humanities and social sciences, there is a widespread acknowledgement of the limits not only of language and subjectivity, but also of visuality and representation. Social scientists, particularly within cultural geography and cultural studies, have recently attempted to define and understand that which is more-than-representational, through the development of theories of affect, assemblage, post-humanism and actor network theory, to name a few. While there have been some recent attempts to draw these lines of thinking more forcefully into the field of heritage studies, this book focuses for the first time on relating heritage with the politics of affect. T
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