Palatal and alveolo-palatal consonants differ significantly in their primary articulatory contact points
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Peer-reviewed literature on phonetic classification demonstrates that palatal and alveolopalatal consonants differ significantly in their vocal tract configuration and primary articulatory contact points, supporting a clear distinction between the two classes.
Linguopalatal and sagittal vocal tract configuration data from a large number of languages reveal that the so-called palatal consonants (i.e. [ç ʎ c ɲ j]), as well as the vowel [i], are often realized simultaneously at the alveolar and palatal zones. Moreover, while some of these sound categories may also exhibit a palatal constriction ([ç c ɲj i]), others are exclusively alveolar or alveolopalatal in line with the manner of articulation characteristics involved ([ʎ], also [ɕ] and [tʃ]). Consonants may favor one or more places of articulation and differ in fronting degree depending on the language taken into consideration; moreover, there appears to be a symmetry requirement by which consonants differing in manner, such as [c] and [ɲ], may agree in place. The data reported in this paper argue in favor of a revision of the articulatory classification of palatal consonants by the International Phonetic Alphabet involving their subdivision into two classes, an alveolopalatal and a palatal one.
Articulatory and acoustic characteristics of various stop consonants in Czech, Hungarian, English, and Russian are compared: velars before back and before front vowels, palatalized velars, and palatals. The articulatory data consist of X-ray tracings and palatograms taken from the literature. The acoustic data consist of LPC spectra of brief intervals at stop release and at vowel onset. These data indicate that all of these consonant types are distinct. Contextual fronting of velars is a gradient effect, less extreme than phonemic palatilization of velars. True palatals are even further forward on the palate and contrast with contextually fronted velars before front vowels. Thus these consonant types should not be collapsed by feature systems.
Timing constraints and coarticulation: alveolo-palatals and sequences of alveolar + [j] in Catalan.
General articulatory characteristics and V-to-C coarticulatory effects for alveolo-palatals [n], [lambda] versus sequences [nj], [lj] in Catalan VCV utterances have been measured at the point of maximum alveolar contact and over time by means of dynamic palatography. Data show that the amount of V-to-C coarticulation in tongue dorsum contact varies inversely with the duration of the temporal lag between the periods of alveolar closure and palatal closure. Results support the view that coarticulation is affected by contrasting timing constraints on articulatory activity.
Published in Phonetica (1984)
articulation for palatal consonants. Examples of postalveolar consonants are the English palato-alveolar consonants [ʃ] [tʃ] [ʒ] [dʒ], as in the words "ship"
Postalveolar (post-alveolar) consonants are consonants articulated with the tongue near or touching the back of the alveolar ridge. Articulation is farther back in the mouth than the alveolar consonants, which are at the ridge itself, but not as far back as the hard palate, the place of articulation for palatal consonants. Examples of postalveolar consonants are the English palato-alveolar consona
Postalveolar (post-alveolar) consonants are consonants articulated with the tongue near or touching the back of the alveolar ridge. Articulation is farther back in the mouth than the alveolar consonants, which are at the ridge itself, but not as far back as the hard palate, the place of articulation for palatal consonants. Examples of postalveolar consonants are the English palato-alveolar consonants [ʃ] [tʃ] [ʒ] [dʒ], as in the words "ship", "'chill", "vision", and "jump", respectively.
There are many types of postalveolar sounds—especially among the sibilants. The three primary types are palato-alveolar (such as [ʃ ʒ], weakly palatalized; also alveopalatal), alveolo-palatal (such as [ɕ ʑ], strongly palatalized), and retroflex (such as [ʂ ʐ], unpalatalized). The palato-alveolar and alveolo-palatal subtypes are commonly…
The…
A second variable is whether the contact occurs with the very tip of the tongue (an apical articulation [ʃ̺]), with the surface just above the tip, the blade of the tongue (a laminal articulation [ʃ̻]), or with the underside of the tip (a subapical articulation). Apical and subapical articulations are always "tongue-up", with the tip of the tongue above the teeth, and laminal articulations are often "tongue-down", with the tip of the tongue behind the lower teeth.
The upward curvature of the tongue tip to make apical or subapical contact renders palatalization more difficult so domed (palato-alveolar) consonants are not attested with subapical articulation and fully palatalized (such as alveolo-palatal) sounds occur only with laminal articulation. The apical–laminal distinction among palato-alveolar sounds makes little (although presumably non-zero) perceptible difference; both articulations, in fact, occur among English-speakers.
As a result, the differing points of tongue contact (laminal, apical and subapical) are significant largely for retroflex sounds. Retroflex sounds can also occur outside of the postalveolar region, ranging from as far back as the hard palate to as far forward as the alveolar region behind the teeth. Subapical retroflex sounds are often palatal (and vice versa), which occur particularly in the Dravidian languages.
Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation in Catalan VCV sequences.
Electropalatographic and acoustical data on vowel-to-vowel (V-to-V) coarticulatory effects were obtained for Catalan VCV sequences, with the consonants representing different degrees of tongue-dorsum contact (dorsopalatal approximant [j], alveolo-palatal nasal [eta], alveolo-palatal lateral [lambda], and alveolar nasal [n]). Results show that the degree of V-to-V coarticulation in linguopalatal fronting and F2 frequency varies monotonically and inversely with the degree of tongue-dorsum contact, carryover effects being larger than anticipatory effects. The temporal extent of coarticulation also varies with the degree of tongue-dorsum contact, much more so for anticipatory effects than for carryover effects. Overall, results indicate that V-to-V coarticulation in VCV sequences is dependent on the mechanical constraints imposed on the tongue dorsum to achieve dorsopalatal closure during the production of the intervening consonant. Moreover, anticipatory effects, but not carryover effects, involve articulatory preprogramming.
Published in The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America (1984)
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