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the claim
Men who failed civil service exams in Imperial China held a distinct social status
the verdict
INSUFFICIENT LEANING
refutedsupported
the weight of evidence
3 sources for · 0 against

The provided sources acknowledge that the great majority of candidates failed the imperial exams and discuss their career trajectories or family backgrounds statistically, but none comprehensively establish a distinct, recognized social status held specifically by men who failed.

Evidence for · 3
2024 · cited by 12
Data from the distant past are fertile ground for testing social science theories of education and social mobility. In this study, we construct a dataset from 3,640 tomb epitaphs of males in China’s Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE), which contain granular and extensive information about the ancestral origins, family background, and career histories of the deceased elites. Our statistical analysis of the complete profiles yields evidence of the transition away from an aristocratic society in three key trends: 1) family pedigree (i.e., aristocracy) mattered less for career achievement over time, 2) passing the Imperial Examination ( Keju ) became an increasingly important predictor of one’s career achievement, and 3) father’s position always mattered throughout the Tang, especially for men who did not pass the Keju . The twilight of medieval Chinese aristocracy, according to the data, began in as early as the mid-seventh century CE. Data from excavated tomb epitaphs of male elites in China’s Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE), reveal patterns of education and mobility very much like contemporary patterns. After 650 CE, China’s Imperial Examination System ( Keju ) shaped social mobility in the medieval bureaucracy much as university education shapes mobility in rich countries today. Early in the Tang Dynasty, aristocratic ancestry was a distinct advantage, but over time, exam results overtook aristocracy. The fall of family ties and rise of credentials is relevant to historians’ debates on the fate of China’s medieval aristocracy. Furthermore, passing the exam may have even equalized chances of subsequent success, as father’s occupation was not a factor in the occupational rank of men who passed the Keju . The Tang Dynasty is intrinsically interesting due to its antiquity, of course, but it is relevant for our agenda because it was the only long-lived Chinese dynasty where competitive exams for entrance into the bureaucracy coincided with a significant presence of aristocratic clans in politics. Prior to the Tang, the ruling class controlled entry into the imperial bureaucracy through institutionalized patronage, based on recommendation, direct nomination, or pedigree-based allocation. With the Chinese Government Employees Dataset-Qing (CGED-Q), researchers can now link records of over 300,000 government officials in China’s late Qing Dynasty (1830–1912) and the corresponding Keju records, along with other information, to further investigate questions concerning historical mobility and social stratification in the last century of imperial China ( 21 ). In this paper, we employ quantitative social science methodology that allows for controlling for various confounders and Substantively, the significance of the Tang is history: the Tang data are from the seventh through ninth centuries. We therefore extend social mobility studies even to medieval times, when an aristocracy was very much in power and competitive exams still developing. Furthermore, our estimates of the relative roles that Keju and various dimensions of family background played in Tang China could bridge across this interdisciplinary scholarship on social mobility and Keju in late imperial China, and the separate medieval Chinese aristocracy literature that dovetails with the prominent “Tang-Song Transition Thesis.” We briefly discuss the latter literature in the penultimate section. Results obtained from Model 2 reveal how profoundly Chinese social structure changed after 690. The aristocracy no longer dominated, as prominent branch status no longer improved an individual’s position in the bureaucratic system. Class advantage did not disappear altogether as each point of father’s status raised his son’s status by 0.27 point as before, but that one-generation advantage was no longer compounded by the legacy of many generations. As lineage mattered less, performance mattered more. Passing the competitive exams could, after 690, land a man into office at least one full rank higher than that achieved by an otherwise comparable man who had not passed the exam. The coefficient for the interaction between prominent branch and Keju was not but that did not matter because the main effect of prominent branch was near zero in all models. The marginal effect of father’s position was 0.28 for men who did not pass the Keju but a statistically insignificant 0.08 for those who passed it. The Keju could have just been a novel status symbol or legitimization of already existing privilege. If so, then a statistical analysis could predict exam success accurately from data on prominent branch membership and ancestors’ statuses. But it was not so. The Lower panel of Table 2 shows that neither prominent branch nor father’s rank predicted exam success. Conclusions and Discussion This study constructed a unique dataset containing information from 3,640 tomb epitaphs of male elites in China’s Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE). Epitaphs contain granular information about the ancestral origins, family background, and extensive career history written for these deceased individuals. Our statistical models reveal how Chinese aristocracy disappeared as a factor in men’s careers while the imperial exam ( Keju ) became a major factor in elite selection. Results lend support to hypotheses based on sociological theories of intergenerational mobility ( 5 , 10 ). Specifically, men’s status in the hierarchy of medieval China came to depend more on their own achievements and less on the status of their family of origin. Blau and Duncan’s conclusion about the United States in 1962 applied to Tang China a millennium before: “...superior status cannot any more be directly inherited but must be legitimated by actual achievements that are socially acknowledged” ( 2 , p. 430). Our results extend the social science of intergenerational mobility to medieval times. They also help move the historical literature forward from a longstanding debate on how society changed in the Tang Dynasty.
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More for · 2
2022 · cited by 0
The Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864) was a Christian-inspired and cataclysmic millenarian uprising during the Qing dynasty that claimed the lives of between 20 to 40 million people. This entry takes a slightly broader view of the rebellion by examining the Taiping movement behind it from 1837 to 1866.// The Taiping movement can be said to have begun in 1837 when its founder, Hong Xiuquan 洪秀全 - a failed civil service examination candidate who belonged to the Hakka sub-ethnic minority in Guangdong - experienced a series of dreams in which he was taken to Heaven to meet the one true deity and emperor of China, the Heavenly Father. He was told that China had originally existed as a monotheistic utopia before Qinshi Huangdi and subsequent emperors had been seduced by Satan into worshipping heterodox traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism. The Heavenly Father further proclaimed Hong to be a "Heavenly King" (tianwang 天王) and charging him with restoring China to its utopian state as part of the transformation of the world into a new global order of Christian nations that would be united in their worship of the Heavenly Father and subordinate to China under Hong's rulership.// Understanding himself as Jesus' younger brother, Hong began preaching his new message and was driven out of his village to Thistle Mountain in Guangxi. There he became the leader of a religious group called the God Worshippers. The majority of its members were of the Hakka sub-ethnic minority. Literally meaning "gu UBC UBC Sorry for the inconvenience. Your request was blocked because our system detected unusual activity. This can sometimes happen due to browser extensions or repeated failed login attempts. Please try again using a different browser or a private/incognito window. If the issue continues and you think this is a mistake, contact the UBC IT Service Centre at 604-822-2008 or &body=URL of webpage ' + window.location;">help@it.ubc.ca , and include the page you were trying to access and the following Reference ID: ITSA -
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The social structure of China has an expansive history which begins from the feudal society of Imperial China to the contemporary era. There was a Chinese The social structure of China has an expansive history which begins from the feudal society of Imperial China to the contemporary era. There was a Chinese nobility, beginning with the Zhou dynasty. However, after the Song dynasty, the powerful government offices were not hereditary. Instead, they were selected through the imperial examination system, of written examinations based on Confucian th In the… The social structure of China has an expansive history which begins from the feudal society of Imperial China to the contemporary era. There was a Chinese nobility, beginning with the Zhou dynasty. However, after the Song dynasty, the powerful government offices were not hereditary. Instead, they were selected through the imperial examination system, of written examinations based on Confucian thought, thereby undermining the power of the hereditary aristocracy. Imperial China divided its society into four occupations or classes, with the emperor ruling over them. Throughout this time period, there were attempts to eradicate this system. Social mobility was difficult, or sometimes nearly impossible, to achieve as social class was primarily defined by an individual's identity. To rise required passing a very difficult written exam. The great majority failed, but for those who passed their entire family rose in status. During the Song dynasty, there was a clear division in social structure which was enforced by law. However, commoners could move up in society through the acquirement of wealth. Through passing the imperial exam or donating resources, people could enter the gentry. By the Yuan dynasty, there was a decrease in protection by the law for commoners. The gentry, however, were given more privileges. The first rank, commoners (both fangguo and xiangcun), were the wealthiest. The ranks of commoners could change over time, as one who acquired more wealth could be promoted to a higher rank. On the other hand, gentry and government officials were not commoners. They and their families belong to guan hu (gentry). Guan hu was not an exclusive social stratum like European nobility; by participating and passing the imperial exam, one could be qualified as a member of guan hu. In addition, relatives of a government official can become guan hu through the system of En Yin. In comparison with other commoners, craftsmen were treated more fairly since the Mongols deemed the skills of making weapons necessary for their conquest of the world. The Mongols routinely massacred Chinese civilians with the exception of Craftsmen. Slavery was common during the Yuan dynasty. The main sources of slaves include captives, criminals, kidnapped commoners, buying and selling of human lives. Slave Some of his top officials had also failed the exams such as Feng Yunshan and Hong Rengan. Yuan Shikai came from a literary elite but he failed his exams; his family purchased a military command for him and he rose to the top of the military and in 1912 became president of China. The civil service exams were almost ended in the Hundred Days' Reform of 1898 but the reactionaries won out. The system was finally abolished in 1905. === Gentry === Gentry or Mandarins were government officials. Most Gentry owned land, which was where most of their income came from. For other gentry the main source of income was from their government service. Merchants were ranked lower because they were seen as unproductive leeches by the Confucians. Merchants could include anyone from street peddlers to entrepreneurs with high influence and wealth. They were assumed to thrive by unethical business practices. They would bribe government officials or use profit-sharing to gain funding. Merchant families could use this wealth to pay for their sons' training for the civil service exams and thus jump to the high levels. === Lower classes === The lower classes of ordinary people were divided into two categories: one of them the good "common" people, the other the "mean" people. This consisted of those who had lost their jobs, those who had retired, as well as migrant workers. Migrant workers were generally underpaid and had poor living conditions, but there were some that were able to start small businesses. Due to the difference in financial and career circumstances of different migrant workers, migrant workers spanned across multiple classes. == 21st century == Researchers at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences who specialise in studies of social stratification and mobility describe several dimensions of economic and social status in the social structure of China in the 21st century. One researcher identifies ten broadly defined social strata, including government officials, private and small business owners, industrial workers, agricultural laborers, and the unemployed. By 2016, agricultural laborers made up only approximately 40% of China's working class. Service workers made up the largest portion of China's working class, surpassing the industrial workers. The working middle class at this time was seen to be the leading class as they gained more economic resources and production power. (July 1, 2000). "Social Class Transformation in Urban China: Training, Hiring, and Promoting Urban Professionals and Managers after 1949". Modern China. 26 (3): 251–75. doi:10.1177/009770040002600301. Du, Yue (2021). State and Family in China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-97447-9. Elman, Benjamin A. (1991). "Political, social, and cultural reproduction via civil service examinations in late imperial China". Journal of Asian Studies. 50 (1): 7–28. doi:10.2307/2057472. JSTOR 2057472. Hershatter, Gail (2004). "State of the Field: Women in China's Long Twentieth Century". The Journal of Asian Studies. 63 (4): 991–1065. doi:10.1017/S0021911804002396. Hung Ho-Fung (2016).
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This check searched the claim as stated. It did not run a separate search for evidence against it.
  1. Taiping 太平 Movementpeer-reviewedno side taken
  2. Social structure of Chinareferenceno side taken
  3. Social mobility in the Tang Dynasty as the Imperial Examination rose and aristocratic family pedigree declined, 618–907 CEreferenceno side taken
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