The retrieved scholarly sources discuss fascism's psychological core and historical descriptions as a violent rupture or tied to moderate thought, providing only partial perspectives on whether violence is intrinsically a part of fascism.
those of our animal cousins, we humans are intrinsically violent. Or is it rather that we have an innate … historians often overlook psychological factors. Fascism is, at its core, a psychological phenomenon — this … Happiness can only be derived from doing what is intrinsically rewarding to us, and this does not require
In the intellectuality of capitalism there are two alternative ways to conceive of reality: the moderate one, which mediates dialectically, and the revolutionary one, which also comprises ruptures with disappearance. The former conforms to, and helps shape, the metaphysics of capitalism itself. The second is akin to the mode of progressing of nature in general, and forms the basis for materialism. Moderate positions tend to be intolerant because they do not recognize the other, which is constantly compelled to mediate. Revolutionary positions instead, recognizing the other, are tolerant and intrinsically non-violent. In capitalism as we know it liberalism, Marxism and anarchism would potentially be revolutionary. But they have been transformed in moderate modes of thought, similar for instance to nationalism, communitarianism, Christian ideas, fascism, socialism. Thus capitalism has become an intolerant world that seems built to block, by means of mediations, its own historical evolution. The outcome is a fascistic economy and polity.
Revisionists have reclassified fascism as an autonomous revolutionary force based on the power of myth. Yet despite attempts to close the gap between materialist and culturalist readings, theories of fascism as the future-oriented projection of a mythic past overlook the point that, though intrinsic in the subjectification and deautonomization of the individual in collective-type societies, myths cannot be revolutionary because they derive their significance by projecting an idealized past that originates outside the emancipatory-developmental trajectory of modernity. Myths constitute a generic feature of human societies, idealized narratives which synthesize historical events, values and ideals into all-encompassing and enduring social intuitions; myths cannot be criticized because they are ‘untrue’ but because they exhibit an intrinsically speculative and particularistic nature which is unable to provide an objective basis for the revolutionary transformation of capitalist social relations. As a violent rupture of incendiary modernism, the mythic narrative of interwar fascism dramatized the experience of modernity in a new and scandalous form, confronting but ultimately reaffirming the conformism and disavowal in bourgeois culture. Unable to rise above the powerful yet imaginary ideal of ‘manifest destiny’ – an imperial ideal shared by non-fascist European powers, fascism offered a beguiling glimpse into the transgressive power of the modern postdemocratic corporate state,
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