This study examines the role of the morphology of applicatives in marking the telicity of applicative verbs in Ruruuli-Lunyala. Applicative verbs in Bantu languages have largely been investigated as allowing a new object Noun Phrase (NP) within the subcategorization of their base verb; this leads to a change of valency with the new Noun Phrase (NP) often giving a certain thematic role. However, less attention has been put on the role of the applicative in supporting the notion that argument projection may be aspectually determined. All applicative verbs in Ruruuli-Lunyala can be used with specialised overt telicity markers kakyarumwei ‘completely’ / ’very’/ ‘a lot’ and were ‘for nothing’. The research findings indicate an interesting relationship between these degree modifiers and applicative morphology. Thus, applicative verbs can be classified into two types, namely atelic and non-atelic applicative verbs. The post-verbal ‘applied object’ position /applicative adverbial position can be called the ‘applied constituent position’.   Key words: Applicative morphology, telicity, metathesis, applicative adverbial. This means that there are roughly 237,699 speakers of Ruruuli-Lunyala1. Applicatives „ involve a derived verb form combined with a subject semantically identical to that of the non -derived form of the same verb, and with an applied object representing a participant that cannot be encoded as a core argument of the same verb in its non -derived form ‟ (Creissels, 2004: 3). In contrast, Kifle (2012: 106) refers to an applicative as a grammatical expression that morphosyntactically codes an altered construal of an event. When applicative morphemes are attached to certain verbs, they may add an argument that increases the valency of the clause from transitive to ditransitive. Valency increase is also possible with intransitive verbs as applicative verb licenses the presence of an additional argument with the syntactic role of the object (Bostoen and Mundeke, 2011). However, the above valency -based definitions seem to assume that applicative constructions are always valency-increasing. This is not entirely accurate because the applicative construction may modify verb valency by either adding or suppressing an object, depending on the base it attaches (e.g. in Shiwilu, Kawapanan) (Valenzuela, 2016). In Yagua (Peba -Yaguan), th e applicative marker may neither bring about valency change nor affect the semantic role of an object, as it encodes a greater sense in „intensity‟ (Payne, 2000). It may also not modify verb valency at all in some Bantu languages (for example, in Luganda, Swahili and Bemba) (Marten and Mous, 2015). In some cases it is the pragmatic function of the applicative verb that brings about a non - valency-changing environment. Marten and Mous (2015: 13) explain that augmentative applicative verbs “are formed by extending the base verb twice”, and this implies som-a „read‟ becomes som-er-er-a „read diligently‟. The purpose of augmentative applicative verbs, according to Marten and Mous (2015: 13), “is either to introduce a new object, similar to the simple applied form, or … to encode a strengthened concept”. Marten and Mous‟s views widened Ashton et al. (1954)‟s who considered augmentative verbs as mere extension of the verb -action in time and duration. a-ba-ku-naab-ir-y-a REL-3pl-who-PROG-bathe-APPL-CAUS-FV „Those who are bathing (someone) for you.‟ In example 10 above, the /j/ in naaby „bathe‟ has a causative effect (causing one to take bath), and it is not part of the root. The applicative marker, -ir-, is placed between the verb -root and causative /j/. The interpretation in this case is that the applicative marker is not a presumed „infix‟; instead, it is a regular suffix. There happens suffixation, segment deletion, after which, compensatory lengthening of the root vowel tak es place in the present tense. The final derived verb depicts an applicative marker which has lost its vowel such that –er- or –ir- in the basic form becomes /r/ in the derived form . All verb roots in this category have their final /l/ seemingly change to /r/ because the /l/ in the basic form and /r/ in the derived form appear to be in contrastive distribution. The applicative marker in such cases must follow a long vowel. However, eng-e-er-a „be y ellowish‟ and bab-i-ir-a „have a peppery taste‟ are cases of lexicalisation. A single applicative suffix applying twice on a single verb is also found in languages such as Ciluba (De Kind and Bostoen, 2012 ), Pogoro (Hendle, 1907), Swahili (Marten, 2003), Luganda (Marten and Mous, 2015) and Tswana (Pacchiarotti, 2018). Apart from extending the meaning implied by basic - verb form, the double -suffixes representing the applicative marker can be locational to imply „proximity/nearness to something‟ as in zub-i-ir „weed around‟. The construction formed with the activities derived verb also takes an atelic predication since heightened intensity does not necessarily mean the ending of an event as illustrated below: (19) Ruruuli-Lunyala (Bantu, Uganda; Primary Source) a. OMusa arundiirye kakyarumwei loole. o-Musa a-rundy-ir-ire kakyarumwei loole AUG-1-Musa 3sgS-pull-APPL-PFV a lot 9.lorry „Musa pulled the lorry a lot.‟ Kakyarumwei is in an applicative object slot as shown in (19a) above, and is meant to stress more force which Musa applied in the pulling of the lorry. It also occupies the applicative object slot, and can be illustrated using the pai r sentences of those exemplified under different verbs in Vendler's (1967) taxonomy above. States Mmanyira bwereere okwiruka. a. m-many-ir-a bwereere o-kwiruka 1sgS-know-APPL-FV „for nothing‟ AUG-running „1 know running for nothing.‟ Activities OMusa arundiirye bwereere loole. b. o-Musa a-rundy-i-ire bwereere loole AUG-1.Musa 3sgS-pull-APPL-PFV „for nothing‟ 9.lorry „Moses pulled a lorry for nothing.‟ Accomplishments (20) Omuyiigi atemiire bwereere omusaale. c.

We provide a unified account of semantic effects observable in attested examples of the German applicative (‘be-’) construction, e.g. Rollstuhlfahrer Poul Sehachsen aus Kopenhagen will den 1997 erschienenen Wegweiser Handiguide Europa fortführen und zusammen mit Movado Berlin berollen (‘Wheelchair user Poul Schacksen from Copenhagen wants to continue the guide ‘Handiguide Europe’, which came out in 1997, and roll Berlin together with Movado.’). We argue that these effects do not come from lexico-semantic operations on ‘input’ verbs, but are instead the products of a reconciliation procedure in