Western and even Soviet publications have described the 1933 famine in the Soviet Union as “man-made” or “artificial.” The Stalinist leadership is presented as having imposed harsh procurement quotas on Ukraine and regions inhabited by other groups, such as Kuban’ Cossacks and Volga Germans, in order to suppress nationalism and to overcome opposition to collectivization. Proponents of this interpretation argue, using official Soviet statistics, that the 1932 grain harvest, especially in Ukraine, was not abnormally low and would have fed the population. Robert Conquest, for example, has referred to a Soviet study of drought to show that conditions were far better in 1932 than they were in 1936, a “non-famine year.” James Mace, the main author of a U.S. Congress investigation of the Ukraine famine, cites “post-Stalinist” statistics to show that this harvest was larger than those of 1931 or 1934 and refers to later Soviet historiography describing 1931 as a worse year than 1932 because of drought. On this basis he argues that the 1932 harvest would not have produced mass starvation.

The short-term impact of famines on death and disease is well documented, but estimating their potential long-term impact is difficult. We used the setting of the man-made Ukrainian Holodomor famine of 1932–1933 to examine the relation between prenatal famine and adult type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM). This ecological study included 128,225 T2DM cases diagnosed from 2000 to 2008 among 10,186,016 male and female Ukrainians born from 1930 to 1938. Individuals who were born in the first half-year of 1934, and hence exposed in early gestation to the mid-1933 peak famine period, had a greater than twofold likelihood of T2DM compared with that of unexposed controls. There was a dose-response relationship between severity of famine exposure and increase in adult T2DM risk. Editor’s summary In utero exposure to adverse conditions such as food scarcity is known to have detrimental effects on adult heath, but the specifics of such effects are difficult to quantify. To study this phenomenon systematically, Lumey et al. obtained extensive data on people born in Ukraine before, during, and after Holodomor, a severe but time-limited famine of artificial origin that took place in the early 1930s (see the Perspective by Klimek and Thurner). By correlating these data with records from a national register of type 2 diabetes from the 2000s, the authors were able to demonstrate a dose-dependent impact of prenatal famine exposure on the risk of developing diabetes later in life. —Yevgeniya Nusinovich

Most western and all Soviet studies of the Stalinist economy have ignored the role played by the stockpiling of grain in the agricultural crisis of the early 1930s. Thus in his major work on Stalinist agriculture published in 1949, Naum Jasny frankly admitted that data were insufficient to reach a conclusion, merely noting that “stocks from former years probably declined during 1932.” Baykov, Dobb, Volin and Nove said nothing about grain stocks. At the time, western commentators did pay some attention to the possibility that the stockpiling of grain exacerbated the famine. In autumn 1931 Japan invaded Manchuria, and in spring 1932 British diplomats reported that Karl Radek had told them that, owing to the threat of war in the far east, enough grain had been stored to supply the army for one year.

The article examines how the Great Famine 1932–1933 in Ukraine (Holodomor), which took more than 3.8 million (according to other estimates—6–8 million) innocent lives, affected the lives of children, adolescents, and youth. Ukrainian families were forced to choose survival strategies in extreme conditions. These strategies rarely considered the interests of children who lost financial support as their parents were arrested, exiled, or dead. As a result, children became homeless or even fell victim to cannibalism. Nevertheless, most of the children received parental care and support as parents made every effort to keep the family together.

Many words have been used to name and describe the Great Ukrainian Famine of 1932-33, including “famine” and “catastrophe,” “the Holodomor,” and now “genocide.” Was the famine genocide? Was the famine part of a genocide? Is the word genocide an exaggeration? Is naming the famine a genocide part of an attempt to dramatize events for political purposes today? Is the refusal to call the famine a genocide an act of genocide denial? This article argues that, though more than seven decades have passed and the Soviet Union has come and gone, questions about genocide in Ukraine remain intertwined in the discourses and narratives surrounding conflicts over Ukraine’s economic, political, social, and cultural position between the European Union and the Russian Federation. Given the implications of this word—“genocide”—within the context of current conflicts over Ukrainian history and identity and even sovereignty, it is important to reflect on how this concept has been used and applied. This paper analyzes conflict in Ukraine in the 1930s using Raphaël Lemkin's definition of genocide, as opposed to the legal definition established by the UN Genocide Convention, and discusses the conceptual strengths of Lemkin's definition of genocide in terms of understanding a wide-spectrum of oppressive, repressive, and violent processes of empire-building and colonization that occurred in Ukraine, and which culminated in the Holodomor.

- Andriewsky, Olga (2015). "Towards a decentred history: The study of the Holodomor and Ukrainian historiography". East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies. 2 (1): 17. doi:10.21226/T2301N. ISSN 2292-7956. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - Mills, Claire; Walker, Nigel (March 3, 2023). "Ukrainian Holodomor and the war in Ukraine". House of Commons Library. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Holodomor | Holocaust and Genocide Studies | College of Liberal Arts". University of Minnesota Twin Cities. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - 1 2 3 4 - Applebaum, Anne (September 16, 2024). "Holodomor | Facts, Definition, & Death Toll". Britannica. Retrieved October 30, 2024. Holodomor, man-made famine that convulsed the Soviet republic of Ukraine from 1932 to 1933, peaking in the late spring of 1933. - "Holodomor (Ukrainian Genocide)". The Genocide Education Project. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Common Lies about the Holodomor". Ukraïner. November 1, 2020. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Why Did So Many Ukrainians Die in the Soviet Great Famine?". Kellogg Insight. October 1, 2022. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Ukraine: This 96-year-old survived Soviet Holodomor famine". DW News. November 24, 2023.

- "Holodomor (Ukrainian Genocide)". The Genocide Education Project. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Common Lies about the Holodomor". Ukraïner. November 1, 2020. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Why Did So Many Ukrainians Die in the Soviet Great Famine?". Kellogg Insight. October 1, 2022. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - "Ukraine: This 96-year-old survived Soviet Holodomor famine". DW News. November 24, 2023. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - Applebaum, Anne (September 16, 2024). "Holodomor | Facts, Definition, & Death Toll". Britannica. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - 1 2 - "Worldwide Recognition of the Holodomor as Genocide". Holodomor Museum. November 24, 2007. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - Boriak, Hennadii (2008). Population Losses in the Holodomor and the Destruction of Related Archives: New Archival Evidence. Vol. 30. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. pp. 199–215. JSTOR stable/23611473. Retrieved October 30, 2024. - Bezo, Brent; Maggi, Stefania (April 15, 2015). "Living in "survival mode:" Intergenerational transmission of trauma from the Holodomor genocide of 1932–1933 in Ukraine". Social Science & Medicine. 134. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.04.009. Retrieved October 30, 2024.

The 1932–33 famine affecting rural Ukraine and other territories of the Soviet Union, a result of the forced collectivization of land-owning peasants by the Soviet government.: #* #* 1995, The English Quarterly, vv 27–29, Toronto: Canadian Council of Teachers of English, p 49: #*: This article argues that English studies about the Holodomor should focus on the historical conditions that led to it, through study and interpretation of narrative (political, media, religious, and testimonial) texts. #* 2004, Lubomyr Y. Luciuk, Not Worthy: Walter Duranty’s Pulitzer Prize and the New York Times, Kingston, Canada: Kashtan Press, p 152: #*: There are sophists who retort that Mr. Duranty was recognized for what he wrote before he bore false witness about the Holodomor, as Ukrainians refer to this genocide. #* 2007, Remembrance of Victims of the Great Famine (Holodomor) in Ukraine, Paris: Unesco General Conference, annex p 1: #*: <u>Recalling</u> the Joint Statement on the 70th anniversary of the Great Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine (Holodomor) that was circulated as an official document of the United Nations General Assembly and in which Holodomor was officially recognized as the national tragedy of the Ukrainian people, caused by the cruel actions and policies of the totalitarian regime, #*

The relevance of the research. The tragedies of 1932-1933 and 1946-1947 undoubtedly belong to both the most significant events in the history of Ukraine in the 20th century and to the priority areas of development of Ukrainian historical science. Taking into account the fact that the policy of organizing artificial famine by the authorities has always covered almost all aspects of the life of the population (mainly peasants), the study of the phenomena of artificial famine in Ukraine must be multifaceted and relate to the coverage of both more general problems of the historical development of Ukrainian society (the creation of a totalitarian type of power vertical in the USSR, the post-war reconstruction of Ukrainian agriculture, national problems in Soviet society, etc.), and specific issues of the famine years. An important place in this type of research is occupied by a comparative analysis of the famine phenomena of the 1930s and 1940s in Ukraine. It can be used to reveal subtle features of the internal logic of the behavior of Soviet and party bodies towards Ukrainians in the pre-war and post-war periods. The purpose of the study is to identify significant differences between types of artificial famine – famine and Holodomor, as well as to outline a number of common and distinctive features in the activities of individual social groups during the Holodomor of 1932-1933 and the famine of 1946-1947 in Ukraine (mainly based on the memoirs of residents of the Kyiv region). C

The topic of cannibalism has not gained popularity in Ukrainian historiography today. Such a situation has developed due to high triggering, psychologically and morally painful components of the problem and the specifics of working with it. At the same time, its study is highly important for highlighting the consequences of the Holodomor for the Ukrainian people. Isolated expressions of cannibalism were known in steppe regions of Ukraine during the mass artificial famine of 1921–1923. During the Holodomor, this phenomenon gained mass and spread to the entire territory of the USSR. As before, it also arose based on artificially created socio-economic conditions of life. Long-lasting starvation led to a mental breakdown with subsequent destruction of the established prohibitions of the starving’s behavior and became one of the uncharacteristic ways of adaptation. People were driven to despair and lost their dignity. The study covers the territory of the Dnipropetrovsk region during the Holodomor. The reproduced dynamics of cannibalism (significant increase) coincides with the escalation and worsening of famine in the spring-summer of 1933 in the region. The localization of places of concentration of cannibalism has a high probability of the most catastrophic food situation in the western part of the region. The highest number of cases of cannibalism are in the Dolynskyi, Novoprazskyi, Oleksandriyskyi, Pavlogradskyi, Petrikivskyi, and Pyatikhatskyi regions. There are 72 known ca

The war in Ukraine has serious consequences for the entire Ukrainian society and the world in general. The Ukrainian people have once again suffered a tragic event at the hands of the Russian Federation in the 21st century, resulting in a bloody genocide and undermining the concept of freedom for all humanity. Ukraine survived the Holodomor genocides of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, the occupation wars of the Soviet Union in the early 1920s and late 1930s, and deportations of Ukrainians in the 20th and 21st centuries [1]. Every family remembers the significant losses of loved ones through generations and their suffering across the world. The concept of genocide as a crime emerged in international law after the Second World War. Lawyer Raphael Lemkin, a Polish and American legal practitioner of Jewish origin, first introduced the term genocide as a legal concept. In the early 1920s, R. Lemkin studied philology and then law at the Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv. He defended his doctoral thesis at Heidelberg University in Germany, served as an assistant prosecutor in Berezhany in Ternopil Region, and lectured in Warsaw. In the early 1930s, he represented Poland at international legal conferences, and as early as 1933, he suggested that those who deliberately harmed a large group of people out of hatred and destroyed their cultural treasures, engaged in “vandalism,” killed, and raped should be considered as manifestations of genocide. People who performed actions or gave orders t